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<Abstract>
I. Women’s Political Participation and Women’s Policy Making in Korea
The level and the qualitative achievement of women’s political participation are very meaningful factors in terms of fair representation, one of the most important factors of democracy. Korea is a good example in which women’s political status has greatly improved in a relatively short time period of 10 years through institutionalization. Compared to that of many advanced nations, the status of Korean women as the participants in various political decision-making processes is still insecure. Nevertheless, the institutionalization from the top, and the demands from the lower ends and the proposals of alternative plans have been advancing very rapidly and aggressively.
The degree of a nation’s political development is closely related to the fair distribution of the representativeness. women can contribute to the political development of their nation only when they practice their rights to vote with a high political awareness, participate in policy making processes as political elites, and express their interests in their screening function in recruiting and establishing the gender-sensitive policies. In relation to women’s political participation, the political system of Korea does not separate its function between the numeric scale and the activities of women’s political setups or the organizations outside its political system. These setups and organization are the actual results and the current motor force of women politics in Korea.
The awareness of gender-equal politics in Korea and the changes based on this awareness, in particular, have been strongly influenced by active movements of various women’s organizations.
The critical example of movements by these organizations would be the Women’s Solidarity for the Gender Quota System. Before the
local elections in 2002, the Women’s Political Solidarity was organized and helped the improvement of the quota system. Before the general election in 2004, then, the Women’s Solidarity for the General Election was organized and developed a system improvement project by forming an alliance among 324 women’s organizations. The hidden efforts by women’s organizations have continued until they faltered just before the 18thgeneral election.
In general, women’s policies are finally established when they recognize the fact that women are under inferior conditions or circumstances in women’s policy-making process when compared to men because of gender-discriminating ideologies, values and systems, and they find such a fact problematic.
In case of Korea, the target range of women’s policies is much broader than that of any other social sectors, and the sources of the problems are the gender-discriminating ideology, the values, the policies and the systems. The women’s organizations that are leading women’s movements are more aware of women’s issues in details than any other groups, and they speak for the women’s issues. The concrete acts of women’s organizations are very important mechanisms influencing on the policy-makers to make women-related issues the political agendas by forming public opinions and publicizing campaigns, protests and private matters
Bringing women’s issues up as agendas for public policies alone has its basis on political changes that bring growth in women’s political participation. Thus, the process of particular women actors’ entering into a public space in the process of making women’s policies and the process of women’s issues being accommodated as public agendas need to be extensively dealt.
We will see to review how the women’s political participation affects the institutionalization of women-related laws through a case study of the enactment process of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act. The Equal Employment Opportunity Act was enacted on December 4, 1987, as a law which comprehended various regulations and supporting issues for the prohibition of gender discrimination in employment to support the work-family balance. Then, it was enforced on April 1, 1988,and has gone through a total of 10 amendments up until today (2010). There had been a various political participation by women for the enactment and in each level of amendments of the Equal Employment Opportunity Act. The Equal Employment Opportunity Act has affected the winning ratio of women in National Assembly, who were the policy-makers at the time of enactment. Since women participated in the policy-making process as voters, the policy-makers who recognized the value of women voters had made the policy pledges related to the Equal Employment Opportunity Act. Furthermore, women’s organizations had raised women’s issues as social issues and been active in making legislative bills by politicizing through campaigns and protests. The Equal Employment Opportunity Act can be considered as the result of women’s political participation, as the women in the National Assembly had submitted legislative bills related to women’s welfare policy, based on the principles of laws that were suggested by the women’s organizations.
For the political measures to institutionalize women-related laws in the future, through the expansion of women’s political participation, the following activation plans for women-related policies can be proposed.
First, the Congress women were able to secure less than 5% of the representativeness; however they need a clearer consciousness about their representativeness. Instead of depending on the political party’s ideology, they should be able to speak on behalf of women’s benefit when dealing with women’s issues.
Two, there has not been a connection to the election of women representatives although there has been a change in women voters’ viewpoints as they are breaking away from a concept that the gender role of men equals politics. Elections have a great influence on policy formation, thus the votes by women voters should be carried over to the support of women candidates and the feminist votes.
Third, in Korean society where the male-centered and authoritative political and administrative culture is dominating, the pressuring activities of the profit organizations become a very important variable for the gathering of opinions by the subject group for politics and the citizens. In the current environment where women’s participation in official policy-making organizations, the most important measure to reflect women’s understanding and demands would be the activities of women’s organizations. Women’s organizations would need to continuously educate the women’s consciousness in general, along with the quota system to increase the number of women’s seats in policy-making positions.
Fourth, it is impossible to choose a side between the viewpoints of equality and difference in terms of the relationship between men and women and the direction of women’s policies. It is compulsory for the policies to allow women to work. Likewise, there should be a policy which recognizes the equal value of the care work of the time payment as the paid work. The complexity of women’s lives means that the proposals with only the framework are not enough. The reality of women’s lives should be expressed with the basis on the recognition of gender differences, such as the difference between men and women, between working women and housewives and between the full-time employees and the part-time employees, and the diversity of gender reconstruction, which exceeds beyond the dichotomy of gender roles.
Until now, women’s political participation in Korea, through the enactment and the amendment of women-related policies and laws, has prepared its practical foundation through legislative activities which could advance women’s rights. Women’s organizations, in relation to the nation, has risen up as a new negotiating authority or pressuring authority, and the changes in women voters’ consciousness and the role of the female Congress members as decision-maker shave shown a great influence and making it possible to achieve women’s equal rights and the approach to the welfare from a new aspect of gender
The gender quota system has both positive and negative sides, but more of the positives factors to increase women’s political participation have been magnified up to now. The negative factors are basically related to the general concerns about the weaknesses of the system, as well as its nominal quality. However, still a positive future is expected as long as we continue to make efforts to maximize the effects of the quota system by making changes and supplements. For more realistic effects, now would be the time to organize more systematic and detailed concepts and systems.
Thus, women need enough political power to turn the issues of women’s problems into political agendas and find solutions. In order to form laws, policies and the culture, based on the feministic viewpoints, women should first strengthen their political power.
II. Women’s Political Participation in Mongoliad
The purpose of this study is to explore a comprehensive policy on women’s issues in Mongolian framework which is consistent with a country’s broader development strategy. Two objectives were identified: 1) to create a compiled database and possibilities for international experts and researchers to conduct comparative study and explore major reforms of successful gender equality system in Mongolia; and 2) to critically examine the national policy in regards to support to women in power and decision-making level of Mongolia.
A qualitative research methodology was applied in this study and it is based on secondary data collection and analysis.
The research revealed that many countries today have implemented country-specific gender policies and women’s development strategies and more successful polices have been government-led, flexible and responsive to country’s new social development. However, this research also found that Mongolia’s routed gender stereotype becoming a major barrier for women to succeed within the politics regardless of their high level of knowledge, experience and expertise because they are unable to be considered by both man and women as a representative of people and adapt to the demands and needs of the time.
Moreover the research indicated that women’s development structure of Mongolia is incapable to prepare the population for the range of gender mainstreaming skills even though the Mongolian legal and social atmosphere is considered gender sensitive, in general, to transfer to a new globalized market, where Mongolian need to achieve a Millennium Development Goals of equality. The research principally concluded that Mongolia is not ready to make a productive transition to a competitive political environment by 2012 and a knowledge-based candidacy by 2015 due to the absence of a complex gender policy and national strategies. Thus the research recommended that it is the right time to develop more comprehensive women’s policies in Mongolia if it is to attain mature social and economic development in the globalized world.
III Vietnamese Women's Political Participation and Representation
Vietnamese women account for more than half of the population. The history of Vietnam recognizes efforts of many women in the fight against invaders, in development of the country but still this country is under great influences of the Confucianism, including negative ideologies, prejudices on women which have been removed but not completely.
Gender equality has been considered a target of the Revolution since 1930 and in the same year, the Vietnam Women’s Union was created. Since the success of the August Revolution in 1945, Vietnam has gained independence and developed a Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Gender equality has been regulated in many legal normative documents with the most significantly important ones of the Law on gender equality and the Law on prevention and fight against domestic violence. There has been progress in gender equality implementation in many areas and Vietnam is "a bright place"in implementation of gender equality goals but still there is a gap between laws and practice. The report mentions results of gender equality in the fields of politics, labor, employment and education as well as limitation.
The National Assembly of Vietnam is unicameral and the regime for election of the National Assembly is through an universal suffrage with a secret ballot based on a majority. The first general election was conducted in 1946 with an equal right of nomination and standing for election for both men and women. The National Assembly is on its Legislature XII. The National Assembly, Legislature I contained 3% of female deputies while the current percentage of female deputies is 25.76 %. The Legislature V included the highest percentage of female deputies (32%). Most of the National Assembly deputies are part-time ones with only about more than ¼ of them are full time.
In the National Assembly, there are no special seats for women. In the Law on election of members of the National Assembly, there is a regulation on "ensuring a reasonable proportion of female deputies". The number of female deputies is proposed by the Standing Committee of the National Assembly. The Law on election of members of the National Assembly respects both the proportion and qualification of deputies.
Vietnam follows a one-party regime. The Communist Party of Vietnam plays a leadership role in election but does not work on behalf of other state responsible agencies in election. The Standing Committee of the National Assembly plays an important role in consultation, selection, introduction of candidates for members of the National Assembly. The consultative process includes 3 rounds and 5 steps.
Qualifications for deputies which are regulatedin the Law on election of members of the National Assembly are qualitative criteria regarding loyalty to the country and the Constitution, ethics, capacity, relations with citizens, reputation, and conditions for participation in the National Assembly. Voters have paid increasing attention to the National Assembly with higher requirements towards the National Assembly deputies.
Candidates for the National Assembly deputies may be introduced and selected by agencies, organizations, units that have been assigned with a number of deputies (through the consultative process) at meetings with voters in working places, in places of residences. Citizens may stand for election and collect comments from voters in their places of residence and working places (if any) and go through consultative processes for selection and introduction. Nominated and independent candidates are not required to pay any fee. The election of members of the National Assembly is conducted under the state budget. Female members of the National Assembly focus on areas of education, health, culture, society and account for a high percentage in soft committees. Among female deputies, there has been an increase in the number of those who are ethnic minority people, who are young and who have increased educational qualification.
The study does not recommend using special seats for women but still follows a regulation on proportion of female deputies and agencies, organizations, units that relate to the process (including candidates for members of the National Assembly) have to be fully aware of gender equality. Each agency, organization, individual in the process should have specific and relevant activities to ensure achievement of the targets of female members of the National Assembly and encourages excellent women to stand for election of members of the National Assembly.
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